Chancellor Rachel Reeves is set to deliver her Autumn Budget on 26 November 2025. Facing a challenging economic backdrop, and with little room to manoeuvre, she is expected to announce a range of measures designed to raise revenue to meet fiscal targets.
The Chancellor is considering a variety of tax increases to balance the budget. However, despite continued speculation on a variety of choices, nothing is yet officially confirmed.
Chancellor Rachel Reeves will deliver her second Budget on 26 November, making it one of the latest Autumn budgets in recent memory.
Since taking office, the fiscal picture has deteriorated dramatically. With government borrowing hitting a five-year high and the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) downgrading productivity forecasts, speculation has intensified about what tax changes and spending decisions the Chancellor will announce.
What began as predictions of a £20 to £30 billion shortfall has now ballooned to perhaps as much as £40 billion when accounting for the OBR's productivity downgrade and Reeves's desire to increase her fiscal buffer.
Barclays now forecasts £41.7 billion in tax rises and spending cuts, roughly matching last year's record £41.5 billion raid, despite the Chancellor's previous assurance it was a ‘once-in-a-parliament Budget.’ For reference the Institute for Fiscal Studies projects that Reeves will need to find £22 billion to meet her rules, so there is a large degree of uncertainty on just how much will be needed.
The timing of this Budget is significant, as it has been pushed back to allow the OBR sufficient time to analyse Labour's growth plans, including infrastructure spending and potential trade agreements with the EU, India and the United States.
The following reflects current market expectations and economist predictions; nothing will be officially confirmed until Budget Day.
Reeves faces an increasingly difficult economic backdrop. The UK's deficit in the first five months of 2025 was £11.4 billion more than the OBR forecast at the spring statement, while UK 30-year bond yields remain stubbornly over 5%, giving the UK some of the highest long-term borrowing costs within the G7.
Economic data paints a sobering picture. Growth has stalled, with GDP expanding by just 0.1% in August, with July being revised down to negative 0.1%. At 3.8%, inflation remains almost double the Bank of England's 2% target.
The OBR's expected downgrade to productivity forecasts — by approximately 0.3 percentage points — will add an estimated £20 billion to the fiscal hole, as lower productivity means less tax revenue over the coming years.
Speaking at a gathering of business leaders in Saudi Arabia, Reeves confirmed that both tax rises and spending cuts are options, saying she wanted to ensure the UK had ‘sufficient headroom’ to provide resilience against future shocks. The implication seems to be that the £9.9 billion buffer she allowed herself in last year's Budget will be insufficient this time around.
With manifesto commitments previously ruling out increases to income tax, National Insurance, and VAT for 'working people,' and spending cuts looking politically impossible given the backlash to welfare reforms and the election of Lucy Powell as deputy Labour leader on an anti-cuts platform, the Chancellor faces an unenviable task.
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The most significant development since the summer is that Labour's core manifesto pledge not to raise income tax, VAT, or National Insurance now appears certain to be broken (though the recent employer’s National Insurance increase was already a grey area).
When Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch asked Prime Minister Keir Starmer in the Commons whether he still stood by the manifesto promise, he pointedly refused to confirm it, in stark contrast to his one-word ‘Yes’ answer to the same question back in July.
Instead, Starmer said only that the government would ‘lay out our plans’ on 26 November.
Multiple leading economists now warn that raising income tax is unavoidable. For example, Isaac Delestre from the Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS) notes that trying to raise tens of billions without touching the major taxes would cause ‘unnecessary amounts of economic damage’ and ‘add needless complexity to the system.’
Professor Stephen Millard from the National Institute of Economic and Social Research agreed, telling the Independent that ‘Trying to fill the gap without changing any of the main taxes would mean a lot of small changes, making the tax system ever more complicated and less efficient.’
Active discussions within the Treasury are focusing on several options:
The most politically palatable revenue raiser remains extending the income tax threshold freeze beyond 2028. This stealth tax has already dragged seven million taxpayers into higher rates since 2021, and extending the freeze by just one year to 2029-30 could generate an additional £10 billion.
As wages rise with inflation, more workers are pulled into higher tax brackets without any formal rate increase, which remains one way to boost revenues without explicitly breaking manifesto pledges on rates.
One key point to consider is that increasing the basic rate of income tax would almost certainly generate substantially more tax revenue than increasing the burden on higher or additional ratepayers. However, every pound taken directly out of pay packets is one less pound that can be spent in the economy — and continued flatlining growth may mean a doom loop of even more tax rises in the future.
As an aside, National Insurance on rental income appears increasingly likely, with reports suggesting this could raise around £2 billion a year. The measure would treat rental profits more like employment income, aligning with Labour's willingness to target landlords following their Renters' Rights Bill.
The Resolution Foundation has backed creating a new NI class for rental income at a basic rate of 20%, with an additional 8% on earnings above £50,270. However, the growing trend of landlords using limited company structures might reduce the effectiveness of this measure.
Again, there are trade-offs. More taxes and regulations on landlords often simply translate into increased rents as the cost is passed on to tenants.
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The government has refused to rule out pension tax changes. While Reeves has established a Pensions Commission to investigate under-saving, with recommendations expected in 2027, economists warn that the fiscal pressure may force her hand before then.
Potential Changes Include:
Naturally, the continued uncertainty and flip-flopping on pension policy is creating significant damage to confidence in the system, with many making irreversible financial choices based on rumours like these — including withdrawing their tax-free cash.
The government has indicated it may wait for the Pensions Commission's findings, potentially meaning major immediate reform at this Budget is off the table, but technical changes remain possible.
Speculation continues over potential new wealth taxes that could fundamentally alter Britain's approach to taxing accumulated assets.
The government is reportedly considering replacing council tax and stamp duty with a progressive annual property tax targeting high value homeowners. This reform addresses the long-standing anomaly whereby council tax valuations are based on 1991 property prices, creating significant distortions.
Various outlets have suggested:
More dramatically, discussions continue about ending the sacred principle of primary residence exemption from capital gains tax. A threshold of £1.5 million is under potential consideration, above which homeowners would pay CGT at rates of 18% for basic-rate taxpayers and 24% for higher-rate taxpayers on any gains when selling their home.
The Chancellor is also exploring taxes on sellers of homes over £500,000, effectively shifting the burden from buyers to sellers. However, experts warn this could create significant hardship for downsizers, especially older homeowners whose properties have appreciated dramatically over decades — and would be unfair to those who have already paid stamp duty for their homes.
Property developers and land speculators could also face new levies under a potential land value tax, designed to capture increases in land values that result from planning permissions and infrastructure improvements rather than any individual effort. However, these reforms may have an adverse effect on housebuilding.
Politically, the last time significant changes were made to local taxes was the poll tax, which did not end well for the government of the day.
Building on her previous Budget's controversial inheritance tax reforms, Reeves is considering further restrictions that could significantly impact wealthy families and estate planning strategies.
Potential Changes Include:
Again, like changes to pension policy, major changes to inheritance tax can hugely erode confidence in the system — and feel unfair to those who have made financial decisions in good faith who may now feel dishonestly targeted.
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While Reeves delayed announcing ISA changes last year after backlash from building societies, reform remains firmly on the agenda.
The government wants to push savers from cash ISAs into stock market investments to boost economic growth and individual wealth, which seems a worthy goal. However, it’s worth considering that pushing risk-averse UK savers into investing at a time of record market highs (which some are describing as a bubble) may not end well.
Current rumours suggest the £20,000 annual cash ISA allowance could be cut to £10,000, though this has faced opposition from MPs on the Treasury Committee and the savings sector. The Chancellor may prefer to encourage stock market investment through other incentives rather than restricting cash savings directly.
Eliminating the stamp duty on shares may be a relatively inexpensive but powerful policy, though perhaps politically difficult given the optics.
Households appear to be preparing for the worst. They set aside £7.9 billion in September, according to Bank of England figures, taking total household savings past £2 trillion for the first time.
Business leaders are expressing growing concerns. GSK CEO Dame Emma Walmsley has warned the Chancellor to ‘make sure that nothing happens that hampers UK competitiveness,’ particularly regarding tax credits for research. In recent months, major pharmaceutical companies including AstraZeneca and Merck have pulled plans for hundreds of millions of pounds worth of UK investment.
Thirteen business groups, including the CBI, Make UK and the Federation of Small Business, have written to the House of Lords urging amendments to the Employment Rights Bill, warning that conferring additional rights and protections would ‘inhibit hiring’ at a time of rising workplace vacancies.
Reeves has said she is determined to ‘defy’ the gloomy forecasts. She argued that the ‘foundations of Britain's economy remain strong’ and rejected claims the country is in permanent decline.
The Chancellor faces the delicate task of raising substantial revenues while trying to maintain some semblance of her commitment to ‘working people,’ a definition that may prove increasingly elastic as the details emerge.
She might also want to see some economic growth, though it might be hard to see this happening when the tax burden is at its highest since the Second World War, and the money coming in still isn’t enough.
It’s worth noting that for the 2024-25 financial year, the OBR expects that the UK will raise £1,141.2 billion in taxes and receipts, with total managed expenditure forecast to be £1,278.6 billion. The difference, or deficit, of £137.4 billion, represents roughly 12% of the tax take.
This is a large percentage but also not an insurmountable crisis.
As always with Budget speculation, the crucial thing to remember is that these predictions remain based on current market intelligence and economic analysis. Making financial decisions based on speculation rather than confirmed policy can prove costly.
However, with the Prime Minister refusing to reaffirm manifesto commitments and multiple authoritative sources warning of unprecedented tax rises, the direction of travel appears clear.
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